segunda-feira, 24 de setembro de 2012

Pidgin and Creole and the English Language


A simplified form of speech formed out of one or more existinglanguages and used by people who have no other language in common.



From Pidgin English, perhaps from a Chinese pronunciation of English business

Examples and Observations:

·         "At first a pidgin language has no native speakers, and is used just for doing business with others with whom one shares the pidgin language and no other. In time, most pidgin languages disappear, as the pidgin-speaking community develops, and one of its established languages becomes widely known and takes over the role of the pidgin as the lingua franca, or language of choice of those who do not share a native language."(Grover Hudson, Essential Introductory Linguistics. Blackwell, 2000)

·         "Many . . . pidgin languages survive today in territories which formerly belonged to the European colonial nations, and act as lingua francas; for example, West African Pidgin English is used extensively between several ethnic groups along the West African coast."
(David Crystal, English As a Global Language. Cambridge University Press, 2003)

·         "A creole comes into being when children are born into a pidgin-speaking environment and acquire the pidgin as a first language. What we know about the history and origins of existing creoles suggests that this may happen at any stage in the development of a pidgin."(Mark Sebba, Contact Languages: Pidgins and Creoles. Palgrave Macmillan, 1997)

·         An example of early Hawai'i Pidgin English (HPE) spoken in Honolulu in the late 19th century:
What for Miss Willis laugh all time? Before Fraulein cry all time.
"Why does Miss Willis often laugh? Fraulein used to always cry."
(cited by Jeff Siegel in The Emergence of Pidgin and CreoleOxford University Press, 2008)

·         "Againye tried to be a good nurse, attentive but not cloying, fetching me a stool to use while I bathed from a bucket and petting my head as I napped, saying, 'Pain you well well' in soothing pidgin."
(Mary Helen Specht, "How Could I Embrace a Village?" The New York Times, Feb. 5, 2010)
Pronunciation: PIDG-in



language that developed historically from a pidgin and came into existence at a fairly precise point in time.
Decreolization is the process through which a creole language gradually becomes more like the standard language of a region.


Examples and Observatyions:

·         "A pidgin is the combination of two or more languages which sometimes occurs in trade contact, multi-ethnic or refugee situations, where participants need a functioning common language. . . . Sometimes the pidgin becomes stable and established and comes to be spoken as amother-tongue by children: the language has then become a creole, which quickly develops in complexity and is used in all functional settings. The process of turning a pidgin into a creole is called creolization."
(Robert Lawrence Trask and Peter Stockwell, Language and Linguistics: The Key Concepts.
Routledge, 2007)

·         "A creole has a jargon or a pidgin in its ancestry; it is spoken natively by an entire speech community, often one whose ancestors were displaced geographically so that their ties with their original language and sociocultural identity were partly broken. Such social conditions were often the result of slavery."
(John A. Holm, An Introduction to Pidgins and Creoles
Cambridge University Press, 2000)

·         "The English variety spoken by descendants of Africans on the coast of South Carolina is known as Gullah and has been identified as a creole. Of all the vernaculars associated with African Americans, it is the one that diverges the most from (White) middle-class varieties in North America."
(S.S. Mufwene, "North American Varieties of English as Byproducts of Population Contacts," in The Workings of Language, ed. by R. S. Wheeler. 
Greenwood, 1999)

·         Disagreements Over the Creole Roots of Black English in the U.S.
"[A]s for various arguments that 
Black Englishdisplays African or creole roots because of the role that aspect plays in its grammar (e.g., DeBose and Faraclas 1993), the issue is in fact not yet sufficiently examined to stand as an accepted fact. For one,tense plays a much more central role in Black English grammar than in Creoles or the West African languages of the 'Upper Guinea' region, underlyingly marking the past and future as obligatorily as any Indo-European grammar (cf. also Winford 1998: 116). Second, typical of Creolist Hypothesis advocates' generally insufficient attention to English dialects, the aspect arguments do not address the role that aspect in nonstandard British dialects may have played. This gap in argumentation alone renders the linkage of Black English aspect to Africa and creoles seriously incomplete, which is all the more significant given that there is indeed evidence that nonstandard British dialects are more aspect-focused thanstandard English (Trugdill and Chambers 1991)."(John H. McWhorter, Defining Creoles. Oxford Univ. Press, 2005)
Pronunciation: KREE-ol
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